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Official Name: Union of Myanmar
Land Area: 677,000 sq km
Population: 56.5 million
Capital City: Rangoon
Religion: Buddhist 89%, Christian 4%, Islam 4%, Animist 1%, other 2%
Language Burmese (65%) & 100 minority dialects
Currency: Kyat
Exchange Rate NZ$1: 5.06kt
Political system: Military
National government: State Peace & Development Council (SPDC)(
Note: the military failed to recognise the 1990 election victory of the National League for Democracy)
National legislature: N/A
Last election: 27 May 1990
Next election: due 2010
Head of State: Senior General Than Shwe
Head of Government: Prime Minister: HE Lt General Thein Sein
Key Ministers Foreign Minister: HE U Nyan Win
Trade Minister: HE Brigadier-General Tin Naing Thein
Key Opposition: Aung San Suu Kyi – Secretary General of the National League for Democracy (NLD)
GDP US$: 13.8 billion (2007)
GDP breakdown: Goods 68%, Services 31.6%
GDP per capita: US$239 (2007)
Real GDP growth (% change YOY): 5.5 (2007)
Main exports: Gas, Teak and other hardwoods, Pulses, Garments
Principle export destinations: Thailand, India, China, Japan and the United Kingdom
Principle import sources: China, Singapore, Thailand, Republic of Korea and Malaysia
Current account: US$ 951 million (2007)
Inflation: (% change YOY) 36.9%
Gross external debt: US$ 6.2 billion
NZ Exports (FOB): NZ$ 5,813,000 (for year ended Jun 2007)
Main Exports: Dairy, sugars, iron and steel
NZ Imports (CIF): NZ$ 1,378,000 (for year ended Jun 2007)
Main Imports: Garments, Furniture, Preserved Fish
Services Trade: Negligible
The poor human rights situation and lack of progress in establishing democratic governance process in Myanmar precludes a close bilateral relationship between New Zealand and Myanmar. Nonetheless, regular contact is made in the context of ASEAN. Diplomatic relations are maintained via accredited Ambassadors in Bangkok and Canberra respectively.
Myanmar has spent the majority of its history as a collection of different and separate states and kingdoms with a patchwork of ethnic groups. The Bagan (Pagan) Dynasty in the 11th-13th century united Upper and Lower Myanmar until its destruction by the Mongol armies of Kublai Khan. It was during this Dynasty that Theravada Buddhist firmly established itself in the region. Other dynasties and kingdoms reigned over parts of Myanmar with variable levels of control.
Though the Portuguese and Dutch had contacts with Myanmar from the 16th century, it was only in the 18th century and the arrival of the French and English that greatly affected the country. The First Anglo-Burma war broke out 1824-1826 over areas bordering what was then British India. Myanmar ceded parts of Lower Myanmar (Arakan and Tenasserim states). In the Second Anglo-Burma 1852 Britain took the whole of Lower Myanmar and after the final Anglo-Burma war 1885, Myanmar became a colony of Britain in 1886.
Occupied by Japan during World War II, Myanmar became independent from British rule in 1948 and adopted a parliamentary Westminster system of government. A number of ethnic minority forces took up arms against the central government in 1948-62, and Myanmar has been characterised by ongoing civil conflict in many areas. In 1962 General Ne Win overthrew the civilian government and brought the military dominated Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) to power. A Revolutionary Council was established which ruled by decree. In 1974 the regime put on civilian clothes and adopted a new constitution which established a one party socialist state. Ne Win stood down as President in 1981 and as Party Chairman in July 1988, although he continued to wield influence.
In mid-1988, in the face of political malaise and continuing economic hardship, a popular uprising took place. Student demonstrations in March and June became transformed in August/September into a national campaign to remove the army-backed government, to restore democracy and human rights, and to reform Myanmar's economic policies. The period was marked by a series of bloody urban demonstrations and resulted in the army, under General Saw Maung, taking over the government on 18 September 1988, and establishing the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).
At the time of its takeover in 1988, the SLORC undertook to hold multi-party elections for a constituent assembly.
Elections were last held in Myanmar in 1990, two years after the 1988 coup staged by the SLORC. The National League for Democracy (NLD) won almost 60% of valid votes and 80% of seats. However the SLORC subsequently imposed martial law and said it would continue to hold power until it had ensured that a sufficiently strong constitution had been drafted according to the guidelines laid down by a National Convention. The military responded to election results with a campaign of intimidation. It arrested and detained members of the NLD (including Aung San Suu Kyi (ASSK)) and other perceived political opponents, and prevented the convening of the National Assembly.
The 1992 retirement of the then SLORC Chairman, Senior General Saw Maung, in favour of General (later Senior General) Than Shwe, instigated some positive developments. These including the introduction of a “market-oriented” economic system, the lifting of the curfew, the resumption of university education, some release of political prisoners, the conclusion of cease-fires with all but one major ethnic insurgent group, and the commencement of a process of drafting a new constitution through a National Convention. This liberalisation process culminated in the temporary release in July 1995 of ASSK and, for a time, tolerance of the NLD’s political activity.
In 1993 a National Convention to draft a new Constitution was established. “Basic Principles” governing the drafting of the new constitution included retaining a central role for the military in government. After years of deadlock the NLD and other political groups walked out of the Convention in 1996 and called for international trade sanctions and boycott.
SLORC changed its name in 1997 to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). In recent years the SPDC has been successful in negotiating ceasefires with approximately 17 of the 21 largest groups that had been engaged in military operations against the Government.
Hopes were high in mid 2002 after another release of ASSK from house arrest that progress towards national reconciliation would occur. Her release had followed months of visits by the United Nations Special Envoy Ismail Razali. However, in May 2003 ASSK’s convey was attacked near Depayin and she was placed under “protective custody”. On 25 May 2007, the regime extended the period of ASSK’s detention for a further 12 months.
In August 2003 Khin Nyunt became Prime Minister and announced the SPDC’s “Road map to democracy” which included the reconvention of a National Convention. The National Convention which concluded in late 2007 was not representative- excluding key political parties and lacking free debate.
In September 2007, small scale protests in Myanmar, ostensibly about food shortages and rising fuel prices, escalated and increasingly focused on the lack of democratisation in the country. The size of the protests grew significantly (to tens of thousands of demonstrators) and after some delay the regime moved to violently suppress the dissent. There were deaths (the regime acknowledges ten) and an unknown, but large, number of people were beaten and detained.
The United Nations is leading the international response to the most recent developments in Myanmar. The UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, has visited Myanmar three times since the violent crackdown and the former UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights, Professor Paulo Pinheiro, has visited once. Gambari has focused on convincing Myanmar authorities to engage in an all-inclusive, participatory and transparent post-national convention process of consultations but acknowledged that his most recent visit to Myanmar (6-10 March 2008) yielded “no immediate tangible outcome”.
On 9 February 2008, the junta announced that a nationwide referendum on the draft constitution would be held in May 2008, followed by ratification and elections in 2010 - the first general election in 20 years. Despite this, the drafting process has been conducted by a regime-appointed committee, the draft constitution has not yet been made public and a number of countries remain sceptical that true democratic reforms feature on the horizon. The NLD and other pro-democracy and ethnic groups both inside and outside Myanmar are calling for the rejection of the constitution at the referendum.
Myanmar's humanitarian needs remain substantial. In 2006, UNDP's Human Development Index, ranked Myanmar 130 out of 177 countries. Women and children are especially vulnerable. The standard of education is a major concern, the economy is weak, food shortages prevail, and healthcare is severely limited. Population displacement on a substantial scale has also occurred because of continuing conflict in many areas, despite the ceasefires negotiated in recent years. Positively, the Myanmar government has agreed to a complaints mechanism for dealing with the issue of forced labour and significant progress has also been achieved in terms of combating HIV/AIDS and opium drug production.
The outlook for the Myanmar economy is bleak. A 1997 UN household survey found that 23% (11.2 million) had an income below subsistence level, and 70% of household expenditure was on food. Myanmar is classified by the United Nations as one of the world’s 49 Least Developed Countries (LDC). The strong popular reaction to the increase in fuel prices announced by the junta in August 2007 which led to subsequent mass protests reflects the hardship being experienced by the Myanmar population.
Though rich in natural resources, Myanmar’s economy has largely stagnated since 1997 due to poor macroeconomic management, a large public sector debt, a sharp decline in foreign investment, isolationist policies and trade sanctions. Low revenues, high defence expenditure (thought to be as much as 40%) and heavy losses by state enterprises have led to massive budget deficits. Despite the liberalisation of the early 1990s, there are now significant barriers to private enterprise. In addition to inflation, exchange rate distortions, corruption, controls on trade, and arbitrary decision making by those in power, a crisis in the private banking sector has hampered private sector growth and discouraged domestic and foreign investment.
Natural gas is one of Myanmar’s largest sources of legal export revenue, accounting for about 30 percent of total exports, with further growth expected and energy demand increasing from neighbouring countries, predominantly India, China and Thailand.
Myanmar’s official statistics are unreliable. The Economic Intelligence Unit forecasts that: the economy will grow at around 2-3 percent in 2008; inflation will continue to rise; and despite continued growth in the oil and gas sector, the rest of the economy will remain weak.
Myanmar had traditionally pursued a non-aligned foreign policy since becoming independent in 1948. From 1962, when General Ne Win seized power, until the late 1970s Myanmar isolated itself from the world, and pursued autarkic economic policies. The isolation was relaxed in the 1980's. But following the events of mid-1988, and in particular the violence which accompanied the military takeover in September of that year, Western countries adopted policies which reflected their distaste for the military government. Aid was cut off and official contacts were restricted.
The opening up of Myanmar’s economy occasioned considerable interest in the exploitation of the resources available -forestry, fishing and minerals, with agreements being signed with Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Australia, Japan and South Korea.
More recently, Myanmar has concentrated on building up good relations with its neighbours - notably China, India and Thailand, but also Singapore, Indonesia and Japan. In July 1997 Myanmar, along with Laos, became a full member of ASEAN. ASEAN has a policy of constructive engagement with Myanmar but its members are becoming increasingly worried about the prospective damage to ASEAN’s reputation if there remains little progress in Myanmar. That said, the ASEANs are positively encouraging of the junta’s recent announcements and maintain that the UN-led process must take precedence.
Because of the political situation in Myanmar, New Zealand and Myanmar have a minimal relationship. New Zealand, both directly and through the United Nations, makes known to the government of Myanmar its concern about Myanmar's human rights record, and the lack of progress towards political dialogue and democratisation. New Zealand acts multilaterally by supporting United Nation’s resolutions on Myanmar. In recent years Country Specific statements have been made to the UN Commission on Human Rights.
New Zealand does not have trade sanctions against Myanmar but the level of trade has traditionally been limited. New Zealand’s exports to Myanmar are small and fluctuate from year to year. In the year to June 2007 they were worth $5.8million. Milk powder and butter account for over 80% of New Zealand’s exports.
New Zealand does not have a bilateral ODA programme with Myanmar. Humanitarian assistance to Myanmar is channelled through multilateral organisations such as the UN World Food Programme or through Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs).
As a member of ASEAN, Myanmar qualifies for the ASEAN-wide ODA programmes provided by New Zealand, including participation in the training programmes run by the Mekong Institute at Khon Kaen University in Thailand and English Language training in New Zealand for government officials. Projects can also be applied for under the Asia Development Assistance Facility.
There are no direct air links from New Zealand to Myanmar.
New Zealand does not have any defence linkages with Myanmar.
There is currently a visa ban on members of the Junta, their families and related organisations from visiting New Zealand. New Zealand has accepted over 350 refugees from Myanmar.
Numbers of Myanmar students in New Zealand are low.
Two-way tourism is currently at a very low level.
Myanmar is a member of ASEAN and the United Nations.
Cultural and business linkages are minimal.
Historical visits include visits in the 1970s by the Myanmar President and later the Deputy Prime Minister. There have been no visits in recent years.
The Safetravel website provides a travel advisory for travellers to Myanmar [external link].
Enquiries may be directed to Consular Division at the following numbers: Phone: 494-8500; Fax: 494 8506.
The Embassy of the Union of Myanmar in Canberra is accredited to New Zealand.
The New Zealand Embassy in Bangkok (Thailand) is accredited to Myanmar. The address is:
New Zealand Embassy
M Thai Tower, 14th Floor
All Seasons Place, 87 Wireless Road
Lumpini, Bangkok 10330
Thailand
(PO Box 2719, Bangkok 10500)
Ph: (66 2) 254 2530
Fax: (66 2) 253 9045
Email: nzembbkk@loxinfo.co.th
