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The trans-Tasman relationship is the most extensive and important we have with any other country. Australia is both our largest trading partner, and our closest defence ally.
Shared history, traditions and values often lead New Zealand and Australia to see the world in a similar way. In the context of globalisation, we work closely together across a broad range of foreign, trade and security policy issues, to promote our shared interests and maximise our impact internationally.
Supporting the relationship is a very high level of political engagement. Annual meetings of the Australian and New Zealand Prime Ministers have been an accepted part of the bilateral relationship since 1997. The Ministers of Trade, Finance, Agriculture and Defence meet at least annually. The Foreign Ministers meet six monthly.
Complementing these meetings, around 80 business and community leaders (including senior Ministers and Opposition spokespeople) from both countries meet annually at the Australia New Zealand Leadership Forum (the first meeting was held in Wellington in May 2004, the second in Melbourne in April 2005).
New Zealand has a High Commission in Canberra, and Consulates-General in Sydney and Melbourne.
There are three fundamental pillars to the trans Tasman relationship: extensive people-to-people links; deepening economic and trading ties under the Australia New Zealand Closer Economic Relations (CER) Trade Agreement; and close defence/security cooperation.
The Trans Tasman Travel Arrangement (TTTA) allows New Zealanders and Australians to live and work in each other’s country with the absolute minimum of bureaucratic obstacles. There are at present some 430,000 New Zealanders living in Australia, and some 57,000 Australians resident in New Zealand. Australia is also our largest source of foreign tourists (as we are for Australia). Over 1.8 million New Zealanders and Australians are currently making short-term visits across the Tasman each year. This freedom of movement across the Tasman complements and supports other elements of the relationship, especially CER.
Australia is by far New Zealand’s largest trading partner, taking 20 percent of our merchandise exports and providing 22 percent of our merchandise imports (in the year to June 2005). In turn, New Zealand is Australia’s fifth biggest individual export market (7.4 percent), and the number one market for its elaborately transformed manufactures. In 2004 Australian visitors to New Zealand spent $1.4 billion, accounting for 23 percent of total tourist expenditure. Commercial service exports were worth $485 million in 2004. Tourist expenditure and exports of commercial services account for a significant proportion of total service exports. Combining these two items would give a conservative estimate for service exports to Australia of $1.7 billion in 2004.
Seen in macroeconomic terms, CER has proved to be a remarkable success. There are still some particular sectoral market access issues to resolve, but looking forward the policy focus is on identifying, developing and implementing further initiatives to create a seamless trans-Tasman business environment – a Single Economic Market (SEM). The Minister of Finance and the Australian Treasurer established and have subsequently led the SEM dialogue.
This gradual convergence towards a single, integrated trans Tasman economic market helps offset the risk globalisation poses of New Zealand and Australia becoming marginalised in the world economy. It also provides a stronger platform for both countries economic relations with the wider region e.g. negotiation of an Australia/New Zealand free trade agreement (FTA) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
Defence cooperation is another key element in the trans-Tasman relationship. The current Defence Policy Framework identifies meeting our alliance commitments to Australia as one of New Zealand’s five core defence policy objectives. The Australian Government’s Defence White Paper similarly acknowledges the high value placed on defence cooperation with New Zealand.
In 2003, Defence Ministers agreed that it was within the immediate region that New Zealand and Australian forces would most likely continue to work together in pursuit of shared strategic interests and that, accordingly, maximising interoperability was a key priority.
Some sectors of New Zealand industry are not yet able to access the benefits of the strong overall economic relationship. We have challenged, in the World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) Sanitary and Phytosanitary Committee, Australia’s ban on the importation of New Zealand apples. Further consideration of next steps will be required by the Government in light of the release of Australia’s draft Import Risk Analysis on apples, expected around September. We have sought to negotiate more modern rules of origin for CER. This has largely been achieved except for a holdout by Australia on application to exporters of men’s and boys’ clothing. And we have worked to find a practical way of implementing the Ministerial level agreement that was reached late last year on the wine equalisation tax, so that New Zealand wine exporters would be entitled to a tax rebate on the same basis as their Australian competitors.
In February 2004 the Minister of Finance and the Australian Treasurer agreed to investigate the possibility of including investment in the CER Agreement (currently, Australia is New Zealand’s largest source of foreign investment, while New Zealand is the sixth largest source of foreign investment for Australia). Some preliminary work has been done on this, with a view to seeking Cabinet authority after the election to enter into negotiations with Australia on an Investment Protocol to CER.
Another pressing issue is the work that is being done to have legislation in place on both sides of the Tasman in time to allow the Joint Therapeutic Products Agency to be established by 1 July 2006. The Ministry of Health takes the lead on this work and we are closely involved.
The Australia New Zealand Food Regulation Ministerial Council will meet in Sydney on 28 October 2005. It will take a decision on the introduction of Mandatory Country of Origin Labelling for food. New Zealand has opposed this to date, and a decision will be needed on whether to take up an option to review the standard before it is finalised. Once the standard is adopted, a decision will also be needed on whether or not to opt out of it.
This year’s Leadership Forum recommended two issues in particular for action by both governments on a trans-Tasman basis: resolution of the questions surrounding prudential regulation of the banking industry, and the mutual recognition of imputation/franking tax credits. The Forum also agreed to continue to focus on developing initiatives that would further ease cross-border movement of people, goods, capital and services.
Australia’s perception of New Zealand’s ability to contribute effectively to bilateral and/or multilateral operations is an important element in the overall defence relationship. Our recent joint contributions in Aceh following the Boxing Day Tsunami, and our earlier substantial deployment in East Timor, as well as the role New Zealand plays in the South Pacific region, especially in Solomon Islands, have been valued by Australia. Cooperation against terrorism - a major concern for Australia – is a significant new aspect of the relationship.
New Zealand and the US enjoy a longstanding friendship. The US is a key partner for New Zealand. We are working particularly closely in the WTO negotiations and in APEC in pursuit of our shared interest in opening global markets. We also work together to counter terrorism and promote international security. There is extensive co-operation on Antarctic and Pacific fisheries issues, the conservation of whales, and in the area of science and technology. The New Zealand/US bilateral climate change partnership enhances science-based climate change collaboration. There is frequent effective contact between the two governments, including at Ministerial level, in all of these fields. Educational exchanges, promoted in particular by Fulbright New Zealand, have been operating for many years. Bilateral defence co-operation continues to be constrained. The US suspended its security obligations to New Zealand under the ANZUS Treaty in 1986 because of its concerns about policies relating to navy ship visits under New Zealand’s nuclear-free legislation. Notwithstanding the passage of time and engagement by New Zealand on other international security challenges of importance to the US, these concerns have remained an issue for successive US Administrations.
New
Zealand's Interests
Security issues dominate US
foreign policy. New Zealand’s
contributions to international security and efforts
to counter terrorism, particularly in Afghanistan
and the Pacific region are appreciated by the
US.
The US is our second-largest individual export market (NZ$4.3 billion in the year ending June 2005), an important source of imports (NZ$3.6 billion) and a major source of tourists. The US is also New Zealand’s second largest source of direct foreign investment after Australia. Over 11% of the $64 billion of foreign direct investment in New Zealand is held by US companies and individuals. There are relatively few trade barriers between New Zealand and the US compared to other markets and fewer bilateral trade irritants between us than in the past e.g. no outstanding WTO cases and no anti-dumping or countervailing duties. Quotas and high tariffs continue, however, to limit access for some of our agricultural products.
New Zealand is represented by an Embassy in Washington, Consulates-General in Los Angeles and New York, and a network of Honorary Consuls across the US.Negotiating a free trade agreement (FTA) with the US has been a longstanding New Zealand objective and is widely supported by those that do business with the US.
Our Embassy in Washington is very active building congressional and US business support, and the US Administration is well aware of our interest. Our export profile, the small size of the New Zealand market and lack of resource in USTR continue to be raised as issues. We need to remain realistic that a number of countries have requests in to the Administration; many of which – from a US perspective – are much larger and have more protected markets. Nevertheless an important priority for the remainder of 2005 and early 2006 will be to persuade the Administration to include New Zealand amongst prospective negotiating partners for a FTA.
Ambassador Swindells used the occasion of his farewell function on 4 July 2005 to call for “comprehensive dialogue about the issues that have adversely affected the relationship over the last 20 years”. He also said that we “need to talk – fully and openly – about what kind of bilateral relationship makes sense today”. The Government will want to consider how best to respond to this proposal.New Zealand and Canada enjoy a longstanding and friendly relationship. We work closely together internationally, particularly in the United Nations, Commonwealth, WTO, Cairns Group, APEC, ASEAN Regional Forum, and OECD. Canada is also a Pacific Islands Forum Dialogue Partner and member of the G8 and NATO.
New Zealand's interests Canada and New Zealand share a commitment to the development of international law and ensuring effective multilateral institutions. We have similar views in areas such as human rights, the environment, international security and disarmament. Historically our two armed forces have worked alongside each other in a number of international security operations. There are regular exercises and staff exchanges and these positive links have been further enhanced by New Zealand’s purchase of Light Armoured vehicles from Canada.
Canada is an important partner in trade, tourism and investment in both directions. It was New Zealand’s 15th largest trading partner in the year ending June 2005 with exports of just over $526 million and imports of almost $450 million. The trading relationship is generally good, with the exception of difficulties over Canada’s policy of supply management in some agriculture sectors and market access for New Zealand beef and dairy products. These can face high Canadian tariffs and quota restrictions (dairy in particular faces strict quotas, with some of the quota tariffs exceeding 300%). Canada has concerns about New Zealand’s prohibition on trout imports and restrictions on imports of uncooked pig meat. There has been increased high-level contact this year, with Speaker’s delegations to both countries and increased Ministerial visits, including by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade to Ottawa. Because of our similar values and legal systems, in addition to our common interests on international issues, there is value in exchanges of views on respective public policy experiences (e.g. creating innovative economies; law and justice issues). New Zealand is represented by a High Commission in Ottawa, a Consulate-General in Vancouver, and an Honorary Consul in Toronto.
Supporting good governance and increased regional cooperation are the new themes of New Zealand’s modern Pacific diplomacy. In recent years socio-economic and governance stresses have under underlined the fragility of many Pacific Island countries (PICs). Land disputes, ethnic tensions, weak governance, high population growth and the challenges of globalisation for narrowly-based small economies add to an increasingly demanding equation for PIC Governments. Increased crime, and the need to meet international counter-terrorism standards are also common issues across the region. New Zealand must be able to work closely with Pacific island partners, and other countries and agencies, to develop effective bilateral and regional strategies to pursue development, growth and stability in our region of immediate strategic interest.
In the period ahead we hope to continue refining the level and nature of New Zealand’s engagement in the Pacific. Increased interest and capability on New Zealand’s part needs to be matched by the increasing interest of Pacific Island Forum partners in exploring enhanced regional cooperation and integration.
The Pacific occupies a central place in New Zealand foreign policy for reasons of geography, history and people to people links. The character of our interests there is unlike those we have with any other region by reason of their frequent close linkages with domestic concerns and issues.
New Zealand seeks to be a reliable neighbour and friend, working with Pacific Island partners to pursue development, growth and stability in our shared region. As well as having broad political, security, economic, diplomatic, environmental and human rights interests in the region, we have constitutional relationships with the Cook Islands, Niue, and Tokelau. We also have a Treaty of Friendship with Samoa - the only such Agreement we have with any country.
New Zealand has High Commissions in the Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Niue, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga and Vanuatu; and a Consulate-General in New Caledonia. New Zealand is accredited to American Samoa, Marshall Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, French Polynesia (where we have an Honorary Consul in Papeete), Nauru, Palau and Tuvalu.
The annual Forum Leaders’ meeting will be held in Port Moresby from 25-27 October followed by the Post Forum Dialogue (PFD) with external development partners from 28-29 October. The Prime Minister and Foreign Minister would normally attend the Leaders’ meeting and the Foreign Minister the PFD. The key issue for the upcoming Forum will be the adoption of the Pacific Plan which will put forward a number of initiatives aimed at strengthening and deepening regional cooperation. The Forum will also consider a revised agreement clarifying the purpose and operation of the Forum and its processes. Leaders will decide on criteria for associate membership as a new category of membership, and revised criteria for Observers. Following the meeting Cabinet will need to approve the revised Forum Agreement in accordance with usual treaty approval processes.
The entry into force of the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Convention last December has provided a new legal framework for the sustainable management of the Pacific tuna resource. The first Commission meeting was held in Pohnpei last December. Its next task will be to take decisions on the allocation of tuna resource.
In Polynesia non-communicable diseases are the major concern. In Melanesia and Micronesia poverty related issues such as malaria are still prevalent. HIV/AIDS poses a threat to the Pacific region, most critically in Papua New Guinea. The region’s preparedness for a global outbreak of avian flu is an issue of current focus.
The Pacific continues to face multiple problems and stresses. Many are deep rooted in fragile economies, overpopulation, youth unemployment and a poor fit between traditional structures and imported forms of governance. Ethnic strife has become more common; problems of illegally held small arms have proliferated, and there is a risk that countries may be used for trans-national criminal activities. The region cooperates on law enforcement and border control through the Pacific Islands Forum and through the South Pacific Chiefs of Police Conference, the Oceania Customs Organisation and the Pacific Immigration Directors’ Conference. Efforts to improve basic policing are continuing with an Australia/New Zealand-funded Pacific Regional Policing Initiative.
While the Pacific has not traditionally had to deal with terrorism threats, an increasingly globalised world with instant communications, high levels of travel and rapid cross-border financial flows, means that this is now a key focus. Moreover, in response to the terrorist threat around the world, new requirements have been set in port and shipping security, aviation security, banking, immigration documentation and in bio-security, which all countries must meet.A whole of government strategy was approved by Cabinet in 2004 to guide initiatives by New Zealand to enhance New Zealand’s security and the stability of the Pacific Island region. The Pacific Security Fund sits alongside this strategy as a pool of money ($1.960 million annually) to address security threats to New Zealand arising in or operating through Pacific Island countries. Reviews of both the strategy and the fund are due to be presented to Cabinet before the end of the 2005 calendar year.
New Zealand has important economic interests in the Pacific island region – in market terms two-way trade in goods and services is approaching NZ$1 billion annually. We are working closely with island partners, the European Union (EU) and Australia to pursue a collegial rather than competitive approach towards strengthening the region’s trade and development capacity.
A complex set of trade and development challenges confronts the region including adapting to the end of preferential quotas for textiles, the progressive erosion of tariff preferences on other items, and reductions in the preferential price of sugar (in the case of Fiji). Negotiating a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the EU is a regional priority – it might, amongst other things, preserve the important tariff preference for canned tuna.The region also has to grapple with implementation of the Pacific Islands Countries Trade Agreement (PICTA) and the newly revised Melanesian Spearhead Group Trade Agreement, extending coverage of the former to services and to the French territories; implementing a Regional Trade Facilitation Programme under the Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations (PACER); and embarking on negotiations under PACER of free trade agreements with Australia and New Zealand. There remains some hesitation within Pacific governments as regards the approach and pace to take in adapting to the challenges of globalisation. Pacific Island countries will need considerable assistance in this process. Three of them (Tonga, Samoa and Vanuatu) are also pursuing WTO accession. (Fiji, Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands are already members.)
New Zealand reviewed the Pacific Access Category (PAC) immigration quota (which affects Tonga, Tuvalu, Kiribati and Fiji) and the Samoan immigration quota in late 2004. A number of beneficial amendments to the short and long-term operation of the PAC were made as a result of the review. It is hoped that these changes will result in improved uptake of immigration quotas. There is growing interest on the part of several Forum members in achieving enhanced labour mobility into Australia and New Zealand for short-term work stays. This issue is likely to have a high profile in the context of PACER negotiations.
The economies, livelihoods, and lifestyles of the Pacific Island states are highly dependent on their natural resources and the natural environment. Many of the processes that drive ecosystems operate over longer timeframes than many other development issues and have significant impact; small island states, for example, are particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Lack of attention to sustainable environmental management can undermine the development of Pacific Island states, and reduce the value of their asset base. Careful monitoring and management of their environment helps sustain the viability of their countries' ecosystems while maximising the lifetime value of their natural assets.
Environmental degradation can have significant and sometimes irreversible long-term effects which may lock in conditions for inter-generational poverty in small island states. Sustainable development helps conserve environmental resources for future generations as well as the present. Pacific states are particularly vulnerable to natural and environmental disaster and variability. Economic and social recovery from such events is dependent on the resilience of their natural ecosystems. Pacific Island states have identified their leading issues for sustainable development as: biodiversity and natural resources management; mainstreaming environment into national planning; greater investment in renewable energy and clean energy technologies; waste management; water and sanitation; and implementation of climate change adaptation measures.
Fiji is a key regional partner for New Zealand. It is one of the largest and the most developed Pacific Island nations and as such has a substantial contribution to make to the region as a whole. It is the home of a number of regional institutions. Its stability is therefore important to us. There are some strong political undercurrents at play in the run up to the 2006 general election. A key issue is the government’s pursuit of reconciliation and in particular its Reconciliation and Unity Bill. The Bill contains a number of controversial elements, in particular in relation to the scope of amnesty provisions. These have been strongly opposed by the Opposition and the Commander of the Fiji military and have added to already seriously strained political/military relations. Consultations on the Bill have been undertaken and are now being assessed with a view to the Bill’s being presented to parliament later this year for the third reading. At Fiji’s request New Zealand has provided a legal analysis of the Bill and has facilitated a sharing of the South Africa experience with reconciliation.
Pressure for political change is accelerating in Tonga. This appears to have been sparked off by constitutional changes made in 2003 limiting freedom of speech (later reversed by the Supreme Court) and controversial political maneuverings on the provision of air services domestically and internationally. Earlier this year Cabinet representation was broadened to include some noble and commoner representation from the Legislative Chamber. Elections for the Legislative Chamber took place in March, as a result of which two nobles and two people’s representatives were appointed to Cabinet following the general elections. By-elections to fill the seats vacated by these appointments were held this year in May. More recently the public service has gone out on a protracted strike in protest over lack of equity in public service salary decisions. An agreement to end the industrial dispute was signed on 4 September, but the extent to which the agreement will satisfy the strikers' demands for political reform remains unclear at this stage.
The near-collapse of the Solomon Islands state over the period 1999-2003 resulted in the Australian-led and Pacific Islands Forum-sanctioned Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands. RAMSI is a comprehensive operation that integrates a military, police and development cooperation effort to restore Solomon Islands. Given the extent of the destruction that took place in the conflict period, this will be a long-term operation.
New Zealand is committed to the development of a safe and prosperous Solomon Islands and is an active participant in the RAMSI. An MFAT officer is on secondment to RAMSI as the Deputy Special Coordinator. The 35 New Zealand Police deployed there are committed through till at least August 2007. New Zealand has also provided a Deputy Police Commissioner and two support officers directly to the Royal Solomon Island Police. The New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) participates in military support to RAMSI, providing a Deputy Military Commander plus a platoon of 35 to undertake two three-month rotations over two years. The New Zealand Agency for International Development (NZAID) programme, our largest, increased to $16 million in 2004/05. The focus is on supporting RAMSI’s work, directly through support to economic development and machinery of government reforms and indirectly through substantial support to education.RAMSI has recently been challenged by several Solomon Islands court cases brought against individual personnel, with claims that the legal basis for RAMSI is unconstitutional. We are working with Australia to address these issues. Cabinet will be asked to consider a principles based framework to guide our response to new proposals for New Zealand assistance under the RAMSI by the end of the 2005 calendar year.
In recognition of the need for New Zealand, as part of its constitutional relationship, to assist Niue to preserve its economic, political, and cultural viability, the Halavaka Ke He Monuina Arrangement (HkhMA) for a Programme of Strengthened Cooperation with Niue was signed on 30 October 2004. The programme is a whole of government initiative which covers budget support, intergovernmental agency cooperation, and support to financial, legal, health, education, law enforcement and border control sectors, as well as economic and social development, infrastructure, environmental recovery and support for the strengthening of Niue’s language and culture. Ministers will be consulted on the arrangements for a permanent coordination unit to oversee the HkHM Arrangement.
A recent merger of Samoa’s Polynesian Airlines with Pacific Blue has led to uncertainty about continued direct air links through the Niue service/stopover (Apia - Niue - Auckland return) after 30 October 2005. Any interruption of air services would have serious implications for Niue’s tourism growth and economic development. New Zealand officials are working with Niue to explore possible options to ensure the continuation of a reliable and regular air link. Ministers will be consulted on the final shape of any new arrangement, which is likely to include a continued NZAID-funded underwriting component.
Tokelau, New Zealand's last remaining dependent territory, has in recent years been moving steadily towards an act of self determination based on the (Niue and Cook Islands) formula of self government in association with New Zealand.
The administrative powers formally exercised by New Zealand have progressively been transferred to Tokelau to the point where Tokelau is already, in most practical respects, self-governing. It has developed its own system of government based on the three Village Councils and a national parliament (General Fono), which handles issues such as fisheries policy and external relations that need to be dealt with at a national level. It runs its own judicial system, has full responsibility for managing its budget, manages its own public services, runs its shipping and telecommunications services and is playing an active and constructive role in regional affairs. (It is a member or associate member of a number of regional and international bodies, and this year will be admitted as Observer to the Pacific Islands Forum.) Although it is currently heavily dependent on New Zealand for economic support, Tokelau has its own Trust Fund (now standing at just over $16 million and about to be taken around the international community for further contributions) and is looking at ways of increasing its own revenue earning capacity in areas such as fisheries licensing, handicrafts, tourism and stamps and coins.Over the past few months New Zealand and Tokelau have been working up a draft Constitution and Treaty of Free association that could form the basis for a formal act of self-determination. The General Fono has decided to undertake such a referendum, under United Nations supervision. The referendum is currently expected to take place in late November this year. If the outcome of the referendum is a decision to move to the new status - which in most respects would be simply a formalisation of the existing situation - the draft Treaty will be submitted to the Select Committee for its consideration in the usual way. It is likely that a "Day of Self Government" would then take place in the second quarter of 2006, once the necessary legislative and parliamentary processes have been completed in New Zealand.
During the August 2004 Forum, Pacific Leaders supported Nauru’s request for assistance under the Biketawa Declaration. In late 2004, a team from the Forum Secretariat, led by Deputy Secretary-General, Iosefa Maiava, held talks in Nauru with government officials and representatives from civil society on the country's financial crisis, and possible measures to address the situation. As tasked by Leaders in August, Forum Secretary-General Urwin has undertaken consultations with the Government of Nauru to develop specific proposals on how the Forum can assist Nauru. NZAID recently announced a package of NZ$1,500,000 for support to Nauru’s law and justice sector (NZ$500,000) and to a comprehensive development strategy (NZ$1million). The Pacific Regional Assistance to Nauru (PRAN) has been programmed for the 2005/2006 financial year. Both the Secretary of the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat and Nauru’s President Ludwig Scotty have been informed of this approved funding package.
The governance environment in Vanuatu has improved under the government of Ham Lini who took up office in December 2004, but it remains at risk. New Zealand is seeking to deepen the relationship and support stability and reform efforts, including through increased NZAID engagement and an increased tempo of contacts at political and officials level.
The Cook Islands recently celebrated the 40th anniversary of the special constitutional relationship with New Zealand. The Cook Islands is relatively prosperous in Pacific terms although internal disparities remain. It has done well in realising its comparative advantage in tourism. Recent political change following elections in the Cook Islands late last year saw Dr Robert Woonton replaced as Prime Minister by Hon Jim Marurai of the recently established Temu Enua party. Changes in demographic makeup, depopulation, and government capacity constraints are among the challenges facing Cook Islands.
Australia and PNG have signed a Joint Agreement on Enhanced Cooperation Programme (ECP), which provides A$800 million in aid to PNG over a five-year period with a focus on law and order, public sector reform and border control. New Zealand welcomed the signing of the ECP as a positive step to address socio-economic trends in PNG. However recent PNG court rulings, over-turning immunity provisions for Australia Federal Police officers serving in PNG under ECP, have led to suspension of much of the programme. Resolution of the issues could take considerable time.
New Zealand contributed two members and $150,000 to an 11-strong international observer team under the joint auspices of the Commonwealth and the Forum Secretariat to monitor provincial elections held in Bougainville from 20 May - 2 June 2005. Their participation was consistent with New Zealand’s long-standing engagement in Bougainville and support for the peace process there over many years. The elections represent a significant milestone in Bougainville’s long-standing ambitions to achieve greater autonomy but the province faces significant challenges ahead.
An invitation has been issued by Prime Minister Somare to the New Zealand Prime Minister to make a bilateral visit in conjunction with attendance at the Forum Leaders’ Meeting in October 2005 which PNG is to host.
Samoa has applied to join the World Trade Organisation. A working party to consider Samoa’s WTO accession held its first meeting in March 2002. The Joint Ministerial Consultations agreed that efforts should be made to finalise bilateral agreement by the end of 2005. The next joint Ministerial consultation will take place in the first half of 2006.
